Siviilitoimet ja oikeus tärkeitä terrorismin kitkemisessä, Suomen puheenvuoro YK:n yleiskokouksessa New Yorkissa, 14.9.2002

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, Ladies and Gentlemen,

One year after the terrible attacks of September 11th we commemorate the innocent victims of these crimes. The best way we can honour their memory is by taking up and acting upon all the many-faceted challenges that terrorism and other threats pose for human security.

The world has changed irrevocably, although we cannot as yet say exactly how. We do not even know if our immediate reaction a year ago has been successfully put into use to making the world a better and safer place to live.

Afghanistan is no longer a base for global terrorism and joint efforts to uproot terrorist networks are making progress, but the threat of new attacks has not been eliminated.

At some stage we will also reach the limits of what can be done through military force and police action to stop terrorism. Even where the use of military force is clearly necessary and justified, as it is against Al Qaeda and the Taleban, it is never a sufficient answer. In Afghanistan we are now faced with the need to use a full-range of civilian crisis management capabilities as well as a long-term commitment to reconstruction and the development of a stable and drug-free economy and to root democracy and respect for human rights in a country, which has suffered from war and strife for decades. And Afghanistan is only one of the many places in today’s world where such a commitment from the international community is needed.

We must also come to grips with the conditions in which some people can regard even terrorism as justified. To say this does not imply any understanding for indiscriminate terrorism. Terrorism is a crime the perpetrators of which must be brought to justice irrespective of their motives.

It is vitally important to underline the need to strengthen the rule of law. When terrorists attack democracy, humanity and justice we should not nor cannot fight it with means that are in conflict with these basic values that the terrorists are attacking. It is time to review frankly the measures taken after September 11th and to rectify any excesses, which are not acceptable in any society, which is based on freedom and justice.

The creation of the International Criminal court has been in gestation for many years and can be regarded as one of the major achievements of the United Nations. It was not primarily created to deal with terrorism but the importance of the ICC has obviously grown, not diminished, after September 11th. The ICC is a long-standing goal of Finland and the European Union and we must not allow it to be undermined. The ICC must not become an issue of international dispute. We must safeguard it as an effective and independent judicial institution, so that we can convince those states that remain outside it to join us in making it truly universal.

Mr. President,

Terrorism is only one of many new threats to our security that are no longer linked to the threat of traditional war between nation states. In a world where our entire national defence policies as well as efforts to build collective security have been based on the need to wage or deter traditional war we need new and fresh thinking.

It is not only that military power has become partly impotent to deliver security. It is also evident that we cannot contain these threats through isolation or by acting unilaterally.

The United Nations and its Security Council have global responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Human lives are equally valuable all over the world. People in crisis situations need the protection and action of the international community. Individual and minor crises can turn into major threats to international peace and security. Member States must give the United Nations the wherewithal that is necessary for meaningful action in preventing crises, managing conflicts and building peace after conflicts. Action needs true commitment to multilateralism, which must exceed national interests and unilateralism. Multilateralism cannot be exercised à la carte whenever convenient. Global interests require global action.

An undeniable success story of the UN history is the organisation’s peacekeeping activities. Countless lives have been saved by the UN peacekeeping operations. But we know, too, that possibly even more lives have been lost if and when the UN has not been able or allowed to operate. The reason for inoperability has been the lack of political will or prevalence of national interests in the Security Council. I would like to reiterate that the Security Council is mandated to act on behalf of all Member States.

The concept of peacekeeping has evolved considerably during the existence of the UN from purely military operations into versatile, complex and continuous efforts that extend in some cases to nation building. A growing element in them is civilian crisis management. This should be further strengthened. Crisis management in its whole continuum should also be based on broad cooperation and compatibility. Present complex crises are often too demanding for any one organisation to deal with. All regional organisations should work closely together and with the United Nations in trying to solve crises all over the world. The European Union is in close cooperation with the United Nations and other organisations sharing the burden of maintaining international peace and security.

The Middle East remains the region where our concerns are most concentrated. The conflict between Israel and Palestine has, if anything, worsened. We support all efforts of the Quartet to get the peace process working again on the basis of the relevant UN resolutions. We support the Palestinian Administration’s effort at reform, which we have rightly demanded must be undertaken, and we expect a hundred percent effort from it to stop all terrorist activities. At the same time the Palestinians must be given the perspective of a clear commitment and a timetable for the creation of an independent and viable Palestinian state. The Palestinian Administration has to be given the resources and conditions where it can fulfil the requirements of what the international community demands of it, and what the Palestinian people have the right to expect.

Without progress in the Middle East peace process any military action in the region can have extremely dangerous and unforeseen consequences. It is imperative that efforts to get Iraq to abide unconditionally with all the resolutions of the Security Council remain the responsibility of the United Nations.

Mr. President,

When the United Nations was founded the world population was 2.4 billion. Now we are more than six billion, and the population growth, while slowly levelling off, will bring that number to at least 10 billion before stabilising.

This is a huge challenge for the mankind. We have only a few decades, at most, to bring our economic, production and societal models to conform to the exigencies of sustainable development. But this is not only an environmental challenge. Nations and peoples must learn to live and act together in an ever shrinking world where no one can manage on his own.

Mr. President,

In a rapidly globalising world the need for keen international cooperation becomes all the more evident. Decisions taken in one part of the world often have much more effect elsewhere. This can quickly lead to an ever-widening gap and fragmentation between countries and within countries. Comprehensive implementation of the Millennium Declaration will make an important impact on narrowing this gap. A positive example of the means we can employ to meet the goals of the Declaration is the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) that demonstrates the genuine desire of the African nations to take responsibility over their future. Finland attaches great importance to the implementation of NEPAD.

Globalisation has wealth-creating powers through international division of labour and more effective use of resources. It increases individual freedom and makes societies more open. But, on the other hand, it is incontestable that globalisation does not benefit everybody or every country in an equal manner. Globalisation can bring along risks and threats to the environment, core labour standards and trade unions and challenge national and minority cultures. It can also be socially damaging. On the whole, however, globalisation is not only something inevitable but also potentially positive. The United Nations has an important role in managing and harnessing globalisation to benefit all. We, the Member States, must fully participate in this work.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Chatham House, 27.9.2002, Lontoo

From the viewpoint of military security, political stability and democratic transition, overall change in Europe has been remarkably and historically positive during the post-cold war era.

Obviously, there have been regional and local differences, and even dramatic and tragic aberrations from this general trend, with the wars in the Balkans as the heaviest burden for the whole of Europe.

In the long-term perspective, however, and having in mind the divided Europe only a little more than ten years ago, the situation on the eve of the forthcoming eastward enlargement of the European Union and NATO is a testament to the possibility of peaceful change. The Central European nations with the support of the established democracies of Western Europe have achieved deep and real political, economic and social transformations.

Even the Balkan countries have arrived at the perspective of European integration in their reconstruction efforts. As a result, the faultline is moving further eastwards to Eastern Europe, and the Caucasus, with links to the Middle Eastern, Central and South Asian zones of instability and conflict. The agenda of working towards the wider Europe as a region of established democracy is far from exhausted.

THE BALTIC SEA REGION AS A MODEL

The Baltic Sea region, comprising all the littoral states Russia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Germany, Denmark, Sweden and Finland as well as Norway, is in many ways a microcosm of whence Europe has come and here it may or can be heading. More than that, it can even be presented as a model for overcoming some of the most demanding challenges to European unification based on comprehensive security.

I would like to pinpoint at some particular features of the transformation in the Baltic Sea region which are, at the same time, of wider interest for the whole of Europe.

REGIONAL AND SUB-REGIONAL COOPERATION

First of all, the importance of region-wide and sub-regional as well as local and bilateral cooperation can not be emphasized too much. Even before the bigger wheels of the EU and NATO started to turn and draw in the countries of the region, in pre-accession or accession modes, innovative solutions were reached locally around the Baltic Sea Rim.

There was a core in place. The traditional and established cooperation among the five Nordic countries, including Iceland, has served as an engine for extending assistance to the Baltic States over a range of sectors of their societies engaged in transition and pre-accession. Moreover, first as a group of ”five-plus-three” and nowadays as a group of ”eight”, foreign and security policy cooperation has brought these neighbouring states together in an ever closer partnership.

As a regional body established ten years ago, the Council of the Baltic Sea States has joined these eight smaller states with Russia, Poland and Germany, with the participation of the European Commission, in practical cooperation on reforming and developing social and material infrastructures as well as in facing new security tasks.

Finland has recently assumed the Presidency of the CBSS for the second time. We intend to promote the whole broad agenda of stability, welfare and prosperity in the fields of the environment, energy, transport, the information society and education as well as civic society and human security. Among the priorities are such diverse issues as combating organized crime and communicable diseases, border control, children at risk, supporting non-governmental organisations especially in the field of social and health and labour market issues in cooperation with the social partners.

While dealing with its practical work, the Council, as a political framework and governmental-level structure, has promoted the Baltic Sea region as a focus of identity with long historical roots. This renaissance has become a living reality through numerous transnational networks that have flourished since the end of the unnatural division. Such contacts are essential for creating and strengthening civic societies and also for overcoming socio-economic fault-lines.

As complementary and mutually reinforcing institutions, the Barents Euro-Arctic Council and the Arctic Council bring forth the particular northern perspectives in the broader European context. Due to its geographic and geoeconomic position, Russia is a key partner to the Nordic countries in these bodies. In addition, they constitute also a link with the United States, which displays an active interest also towards Baltic Sea cooperation, in particular through its special relationship with the Baltic States.

As the Chair of the Arctic Council, Finland has made a particular effort to bring out the regional Arctic voice in global fora on sustainable development. This is an important role for any regional groupings, as they can contribute to the broader tasks of European and global governance with their particular concerns and perspectives.

GROUNDWORK FOR EU ENLARGEMENT AND THE NORTHERN DIMENSION

These regional institutions do not wield large resources of their own but they have created habits of cooperation and joint expertise that can be put to further use as the European Union is stepping forward more actively as a leading player in regional development.

In effect, regional and sub-regional cooperation around the Baltic Rim has laid the groundwork for the future where the focus will be more and more on the relations between the EU and Russia.

As an example of such a synergy, cross-border cooperation with adjacent regions of Russia initiated by the direct parties – such as Finland and Russia – has been successfully supported by common EC funds for years already. Even after the next enlargement of the European Union, assistance and joint efforts in regional co-operation will maintain their significance.

Visions reach further, however. It is the realization that the relationship between the European Union and Russia will determine the future of not only our own region but Europe as a whole. The core dealing Finland’s initiative for the Northern Dimension presented five years ago is the future cooperative relationship between an enlarged Union and Russia.

The Northern Dimension is now an agreed common policy with a plan of action to guide and facilitate its implementation. Recognizing the interdependence between the enlarging Union and Russia, it addresses cross-border challenges and builds on the combined potential of Russia and the EU, for example in exploitation of hydrocarbons in an environmentally responsible way. This is a long-term goal that will have broad implications for the future of Europe. The EU-Russian energy dialogue aims to improve the regulatory framework for investments, which should be financed mainly by private actors and international financial institutions.

The Northern Dimension concept has other aspects as well. In fact, the immediate concrete results will lie in the fields of maritime environment, nuclear safety, information society and public health. As the policy of the Northern Dimension is implemented and focussed further, the European Commission will certainly gain from the expertise of regional institutions.

EU-RUSSIAN RELATIONS

Russia as a whole is a factor that makes the Baltic Sea region of particular and broader interest for all who follow and assess the ongoing change in Europe. It is in this region where Russia and the European Union meet geographically, already on the Finnish-Russian border but soon along a longer line after the accession of the Baltic States and Poland into the Union. The Baltic Sea will become an inner EU-Russian lake.

Such a neighbouring relationship will have immediate implications for the need and responsibility to cooperate in the management of the common border. The tasks include, in particular, dealing with new risks such as organized crime, human trafficking, narcotics smuggling and international terrorism.

The Finnish authorities responsible for border management – border guard, customs and police – have created a co-operation system with their Russian counterparts which other countries in our region can use as a model. Co-operation has been established for the whole Baltic Sea region between the authorities responsible for border control and surveillance based on the trilateral experience of Finland, Russia and Estonia. According to our experience and assessment, a smooth and effective border control is possible under the Schengen regulations.

Going beyond geography, into the spheres of geoeconomics and geopolitics, the initiation of the Northern Dimension as part of the common strategy towards Russia and the process of the enlargement of the EU into the Baltic Sea region have been mutual learning processes as well as concrete indications for both the Union and Russia over what their future relationship will entail.

It has been important for Russia to see the comprehensive and complex nature of the Union, not only as an economic force but as an international actor with political and security-political goals and with instruments to pursue goals that touch upon its own national security interests.

In the context of the accession of the Baltic States to the Union, Russia has not only adjusted to their new legal and political status but also come to envisage the economic and other benefits that an EU membership for its neighbours will ensue for itself. This experience will demonstrate that the enlargement of integration promotes stability in the core relationship of European security.

All in all, developments around the deepening of the EU’s policy towards Russia in the north and its enlargement to the borders of Russia point to a relationship that will be full of work and practical problems to be solved but at the same time one where both partners have politically a positive approach and are aware of the opportunities that lie ahead.

REMAINING RUSSIAN-BALTIC ISSUES AND KALININGRAD

The long-drawn process of managing and resolving the issues of borders and minorities between Russia and each of the Baltic States is yet to be concluded in totally normalized neighbourly relationships. At the same time, we have long since passed the situation when Russian-Baltic relations were viewed as potential conflicts that could destabilize the region.

Russia has not been willing to move to the ratification of the border treaties with the Baltic States but it is not an issue that would affect their accession to the European Union. Likewise, the status of Russian-speaking minorities in Estonia and Latvia is in line with the European (OSCE) standards, although having such large numbers of stateless persons will require a continued effort for integration of those communities and enlarging citizenship.

The remaining political issue which has been linked to EU enlargement in the region, the arrangement of transit to and from Kaliningrad through EU territory has been a focus of attention. It has been even presented as an issue of prestige between Russia and the European Commission. It is easy to understand Russian sensitivities towards its citizens’ access to its sovereign territory. On the other hand, the Schengen regime is an essential element of EU integration that must be protected for the interest of all parties.

There is every reason to expect that a pragmatic solution will be found to the issue of the transit to Kaliningrad. The main task is to look ahead; Kaliningrad is both a challenge and an opportunity for cooperation between the enlarged Union and Russia. Ways need to be found that will trans form the enclave into a model of European cooperation, thus helping to resolve its social and economic problems. It was the Northern Dimension that made the Commission and the Union as a whole to engage in the Kaliningrad issue as an EU-level challenge.

MILITARY TRANSFORMATIONS AND PROBLEMS

In the field of military security, the emergence of the Baltic Sea region from the cold war situation has not been less interesting or indeed significant for European security. In the same manner, as the danger of military tension or confrontation has been replaced by a new kind of defence cooperation, there are residual and new risks that require attention.

The withdrawal of former Soviet troops from the Baltic States and the dismantlement of former Soviet military infrastructure from those territories were accomplishments where the direct parties received support from the OSCE and other European partners.

Military transparency has increased. Military confidence- and security-building measures are used actively not only by the Nordic countries but the Baltic States and Russia as well. In the framework of NATO Partnership for Peace programme, joint naval and land exercises have contributed to confidence and openness as well as military-to-military cooperation. Even Russia has participated albeit in a limited manner.

It is vitally important for military stability that conventional weapons reductions are implemented in accordance with the CFE treaty. There are good prospects that the adapted treaty of 1999 may be ratified in the near future as the remaining issues of Russian compliance are being cleared. Finland will closely follow the ratification process and assess the situation as the Treaty enters into force.

As for nuclear weapons, Finland has proposed that the unilateral and political Russian and American commitments from 1991 be transformed into a legally binding document, which would provide transparency for the implementation. Although this is an issue of direct relevance to regional security, it needs to be promoted in the wider international fora such as the NPT review process.

As a legacy of the cold war, the northern European region is a risk zone for weapons-related nuclear waste, particularly in the Murmansk region. Civilian nuclear safety likewise remains an ongoing task in the northern and Baltic Sea region. Finland is a leading contributor to this work.

As for the destruction of chemical weapons in Russian storages, together with its EU partners Finland is supporting the work, although those sites are not in the near-by region. The EU should increase its contribution to the CW programme as well as to the removal of weapons-grade plutonium.

NATO ENLARGEMENT IN VIEW OF EU ENLARGEMENT

The enlargement of NATO in the Baltic Sea region is in principle an issue of military security and stability, after all, NATO remains a fullfledged defence alliance. In reality, however, we all see it as a process of broader implications and as something else than counting military beans or checking military balances. Certainly, there are people who have the responsibility to do that work as well in defence staffs and agencies. Military strategy will not go away although it is pushed to the back ground by changing threat perceptions.

Due to fundamental changes in European security and NATO’s adjustment to these changes, the forthcoming enlargement will affect the whole spectrum of the security policy agenda. In this manner, NATO enlargement will interact and overlap with EU enlargement and the processes will be mutually reinforcing.

Both of the processes will have had a stability and transition promoting effect on the candidates by placing on them membership requirements. It should be noted, however, that with the exception of transforming armed forces, the accession to the Union will have a broader and deeper impact on the aspiring members. In a way, the pre-accession cooperation with the EU is preparing countries for fulfilling the political conditions of NATO membership.

Moreover, both of the enlarging institutions have deepened cooperation with Russia in the context of all-European security. While the EU’s relationship with Russia has been evolving step-by-step, the establishment of the NATO-Russia Council can be viewed as a breakthrough for Russia’s adjustment to the reality of NATO enlargement.

NATO-RUSSIAN COOPERATION

The historic agreement in Rome was naturally not concluded for the sake of settling the issue of the accession of the Baltic States, although it is an important angle in the NATO-Russian relations. In fact, the NATO-Russia Council is an outcome of general strategic developments such as the impact of the post-September 2001 security environment and the closer US-Russian cooperation.

Consequently, NATO-Russian cooperation will be affected in the future by the state of international relations, although the new Council can act as a significant instrument for deepening that cooperation over the new and common risks that exist for European and wider global security.

As we look at the situation in the Baltic Sea region, there is no reason to expect that adverse effects on the enlargement process or the NATO-Russian relationship would emerge from the region. There is good ground to expect that NATO enlargement will be a stability-promoting process for the region.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BALTIC ACCESSIONS

A decision on NATO enlargement that will include Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania as invitees is widely expected to take place in Prague in two months’ time. This is a significant event in the historical perspective. At the same time, it may not be politically as dramatic or tangible in its consequences as was expected only a short time ago.

NATO membership is part and parcel of the transformation of the Baltic States and their integration with the core of the democratic Europe. Moreover, it entails their exercise of the principle of the freedom of choice that is a basic element in the European security order. A membership is a contract between the sovereign parties but it is also in line with the overall development in Europe and not in violation of any outsider rights either.

In a similar manner, the existence of different security and defence policy solutions in the Baltic Sea region will not be an obstacle to deeper future cooperation in the field of defence. Finland and Sweden will continue to work closely together and with their partners in the region. They have been, together with Denmark and Norway, among the main supporters of the Baltic States in the reconstitution of their national defence establishments and forces.

Finland’s main partner has been Estonia. Although its political-legal basis will change and direct assistance programmes will end as the Baltic States join NATO, defence-related cooperation between them and Finland will continue.

Military stability remains a vital condition for ensuring further positive transformation in the Baltic Sea region and Europe as a whole. It is safe to expect that NATO will follow the policy that was established for the first eastward enlargement: no nuclear weapons or permanent deployment of foreign troops on the territories of the new members.

Such a policy of restraint is not only commensurate with the spirit of the day but also corresponds to the real security needs, which lie elsewhere than in military build-ups or expansion. Likewise, the enlargement of the CFE treaty is to be expected to cover the new members, although it remains their sovereign right to decide.

FINLAND’S PERSPECTIVE TO NATO ENLARGEMENT

Finland has followed closely the enlargement process of NATO since its beginning in the mid-1990’s. We have conducted a dialogue with NATO to put forward our security-policy objectives and concerns and to find out about the Alliance’s policies and plans. It has been a useful dialogue. In the practical field, Finland has developed a well-functioning and enlarging partnership with NATO in troop development and military crisis management.

In Finland’s view, it is essential that NATO enlargement will enhance stability and security and the states’ sovereign right of choosing their national security and defence policy courses is observed. Russia’s response to NATO enlargement has been a significant factor in the strategic assessment for Finland like all other countries. Finland has not been party to the enlargement or accession process, but it has been reassuring to note that NATO and Russia have managed the issue to the advancement of European security.

As a neighbour and long-standing partner, Finland understands Estonia’s, Latvia’s and Lithuania’s aspiration to join NATO, which is now close to fulfilment and which they, together with the forthcoming EU membership, regard as an important building block for their emergence as established democracies and for their return back to Europe.

As things today stand NATO enlargement will have a very limited impact in our region. It has been so long on gestation and has been accepted by everyone, Russia included, so that when it finally takes place it will be something of a non-event. The membership of the Baltic States will not have any direct impact on Finland’s relationship with NATO either. We come from a different background and we have successfully adjusted our security policy in the post-cold war to encompass full membership in the Euro pean Union and active partnership with NATO while maintaining the position of military non-alliance. Like Sweden, and indeed the other neutrals of the cold war era, Finland has not seen a need for military alignment.

The issue of NATO membership has been an item in the domestic discussion not only in today’s situation but long before, since the enlargement process begun. It will also be reviewed in conjunction with our next comprehensive security and defence policy review due in 2004.

It has been, however, very much a minority issue, some former Finnish ambassadors may have created the impression that we are about to join the alliance, but the public opinion remains firmly and overwhelmingly committed to non-alignment.

Finland will approach the issue with a number of factors in mind. First of all, we have to ask if membership is needed for the purpose of national defence. Will it increase our national security? Secondly, we have to see if membership would enhance our capability to protect and advance our security goals and interests in international relations. Are we missing something essential today, given the emergence of the new threats to our security, which no longer are connected to the possibility of traditional war between states?

We have today a workable security and defence policy line. It provides for credible national defence, meets our regional, European and global interests and ensures active participation in international security cooperation. Obviously non-alignment needs to be considered from the point of view of these new threats, which underline the need for broad multilateral cooperation. This is not reason enough to join old military alliances, even if they are seeking new roles. Non-alignment could actually have increased added value in a world where too few countries are committed to truly universal crisis management and conflict prevention.

The European Union will also have to be able to meet the security needs of its member states. Rather than calling for traditional defence cooperation of a military nature, this should mean developing multi-faceted crisis management and conflict resolution capabilities. For those who want traditional military defence cooperation, NATO will remain the best alternative.

In other words I do not share the vision of the EU as a future superpower, but rather as a new kind of strong international actor that can mitigate and cover problems caused by power politics and superpower behaviour around the world.

Arktisen neuvoston kolmas ulkoministerikokous, Inari,  9.10.2002

Dear Colleagues and Arctic Friends,

After two intensive years of arctic cooperation under our chairmanship it is a great pleasure to wish you all welcome to the 3rd Arctic Council Foreign Ministers Meeting, in the heart of the Saami domicile area in Finnish Lapland. The broad participation in this meeting shows that the Council is more than an intergovernmental meeting in a closed circle, it is a forum for Arctic actors in a wider sense.

When I two years ago presented our chairmanship agenda for the Finnish press I drew attention to the unique cooperation between governments and indigenous peoples in the Arctic. I am pleased to report that this partnership has been further strengthened, including with joint and well coordinated actions at the international level. The Finnish Government is committed to securing the financing of the Saami Council’s international activities, including participation in the Arctic Council.

When Finland in Barrow assumed the chairmanship of the Council our common aim was to strengthen the voice of the Council at the global level. We have done so.

The signing of the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants is a remarkable achievement, especially as this convention singles out the Arctic as a sink for pollutants originating far away from the region. We have achieved this together on the basis of AMAP’s 1997Assessment report and informed by indigenous traditional knowledge.

The Johannesburg Summit recognized the Arctic Council as an important regional contributor to sustainable development. It supported the Arctic Climate Impact Assessment and named it a model for dealing with climate change impacts also in other regions. The Summit reaffirmed the vital role of indigenous peoples in sustainable development. The Johannesburg Plan of Implementation gives boost to global developments of importance for the Arctic. I think we have reason to be pleased with our joint achievements in Johannesburg. It should encourage us to contribute strongly to the implementation efforts both inside the Arctic and at the global level.

To that end we also need closer cooperation with the European Union, and the Commission in particular. The preparation of a new and second Northern Dimension Action Plan provides an opportunity for the EU to reconsider its Arctic interests and obligations.

Dear Friends

At this meeting AMAP will present its second assessment report on pollution in the Arctic. The report confirms that concerted actions against pollution takes effect. But it also gives cause for concern regarding increased problems, such as the emergence of new POPs in the Arctic food chain.

The Council has emphasized scientifically based decision-making as the basis for its activities. We need to follow this principle when we consider conclusions on the basis of AMAP’s and other reports by our expert bodies. This is a demanding principle. It often means that we have to challenge vested interests.

One conclusion I draw from the AMAP’s report is that we need to improve our home work. We need to intensify our regional cooperation, including on financing investments, to eliminate sources of persistent organic pollutants and mercury in Arctic areas. We need to reinforce our support to developing countries in their efforts to implement the Stockholm Convention. And we need to prepare for appropriate international steps to address mercury and new POPs, in line with the Johannesburg commitment on chemicals. And, finally, we need to work more smoothly together to prevent nuclear waste from contaminating Arctic living resources.

Finalization of the so called MNEPR-agreement without further delay would release considerable financial resources from G8 sources and the Northern Dimension Support Fund for nuclear waste management in Russia.

Dear Friends

Climate change is not a futuristic theory in the Arctic. It is already taking place with largely unpredictable effects on every day life, as has been reported from indigenous communities in many parts of the Arctic. No sustainable development strategy can be developed for the Arctic without taking into consideration the environmental, economical and social climate change impacts. This explains why so high expectations are attached to the Arctic Climate Impact Assessment.

In a situation where Arctic states are divided regarding the Kyoto Protocol, our cooperation in the Arctic is nevertheless encouraging. But public opinion is aware and is monitoring our will and ability to tackle climate issues in the Arctic. In the next few years we need to agree upon appropriate conclusions based on the findings of our best scientific experts who are preparing the Assessment Report.

The Johannesburg recommendations on the urgent need to reverse the current trend in natural resource degradation provide a new global background to many activities under way in the Arctic Council.

The Arctic states are facing a demanding challenge in striking the balance between expanded use of hydrocarbons and minerals, conservation of the unique Arctic biodiversity and securing sustainability in the use of living resources. In the era of globalisation we may need specific measures to secure that affected indigenous and other local communities not only benefit from new economic activities but are able to find their living also within traditional industries, including reindeer husbandry, hunting, fishing and gathering. Arctic Council can make a difference in exchanging information about best practises regarding benefit sharing mechanisms as part of projects using especially non-renewable natural resources in regions traditionally inhabited by indigenous peoples.

The new circumpolar map on oil resources at risk and the updated offshore oil and gas guidelines are indications of the Council’s ability to meet the challenge. The Council still needs to further promote the dialogue among stakeholders and more thoroughly assess the consequences of oil and gas developments in the Arctic. In Johannesburg we have all committed ourselves to use environmental impact assessment procedures, which in the Arctic should include also social and cultural impacts on indigenous and other local communities.

Dear Friends

The transfer of the relay from one Arctic Government to another should not affect the continuity of our work. The Barrow Declaration prepared by the U.S. Government has together with our own priorities guided our chairmanship well. We do hope that the decisions at this meeting will well guide the Icelandic Chairmanship. We have worked closely together to prepare the new initiative, the Arctic Human Development Report. I hope that this initiative will help to invigorate the Arctic Council’s work on economic, social and cultural issues.

In our work to promote human development we also have to focus especially on gender issues, on women and men living together, supporting each other, bearing responsibilities together on the basis of gender equality values. The Taking Wing Conference here in Saariselkä in early August paved the way for gender mainstreaming in the Arctic. At this meeting we should commit ourselves to take that work further, including the urgent need to eliminate all forms of violence against women.

Children and youth is our priority. We have no future in the Arctic without a well educated and trained youth and here I am referring to both, formal education as well as traditional knowledge. We need to better involve the youth themselves to better learn why so many are migrating even in situations where employment is offered.

Dear Friends

I want to emphasize that there should not be any contradictions between man and nature in the Arctic. The fight against pollution is closely related to the enhancement of public health. Sustainable use of living resources is part of conservation and biodiversity protection strategies. Tourism can’t be sustainable without respect for the nature and indigenous cultural values that makes the Arctic so attractive to increasing number of tourists. Let us together build an agenda for the next two years which inspires us all to further strengthen circumpolar cooperation.

I wish you all warmly welcome. I now invite the Governor of the hosting region Lapland Ms Hannele Pokka to take the floor.

Kotkan Työväen Palloilijat ry:n 75-vuotisjuhla, 1.11.2002, Kotka

Arvoisat juhlavieraat, hyvät liittotoverit

Urheilulla ja liikunnalla on suomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa perinteisesti ollut vahva asema. Liikunta on ollut aina keskeinen osa niin kansallista identiteettiä kuin ihmisten jokapäiväistä elämääkin. Suomalaisen urheilun ja liikunnan menestystarina on perustunut julkisen vallan ja laajan vapaaehtoisen kansalaistoiminnan hyvään yhteistyöhön. Suomessa on noudatettu selkeätä työnjako-oppia, jossa julkinen valta on luonut edellytyksiä ja liikuntajärjestöt ja urheiluseurat ovat toteuttaneet itse toiminnan.

Parin viime vuosikymmenen aikana myös markkinaperusteiset toimijat ovat rynnänneet liikunnan ja urheilun areenoille. Rahaa liikkuu urheilun piirissä ympärillä entistä enemmän, mutta se ei välttämättä merkitse sitä , että perusliikuntatarpeiden hoito olisi vastaavasti parantunut – etenkin, jos tällä perusteella katsotaan, että julkista rahoitusta voitaisiin vastaavasti vähentää. On syytä muistaa, että yli 90 prosenttia suomalaisesta liikuntatoiminnasta organisoidaan tänäkin päivänä pelkästään vapaaehtoistyön varassa.

Nyt kun olemme siirtyneet 2000-luvulle, on aika mielestäni arvioida perusteellisesti liikunnan ja urheilun yhteiskunnallisia tehtäviä. Liikuntaa ja urheilua ei käsitykseni mukaan 2000-luvun Suomessakaan voida harjoittaa irrallaan yhteiskunnallisesta kehityksestä, vaan pikemminkin liikunta- ja urheiluväen tulisi pyrkiä aktiivisesti toimimaan yhteiskunnassa ja antamaan positiivinen panoksensa yhteiskunnalliseen kehitystyöhön. Urheilun ja liikunnan yhteiskunnalliset vaikutukset voidaan karkeasti jakaa kolmeen osaan: kasvatukseen, terveyden edistämiseen ja huippu-urheiluviihteen tuottamiseen.

Vanhassa suurten kertomusten maailmassa pidettiin itsestään selvänä, että urheilu on hyvä harrastus, joka pitää nuoren kaidalla tiellä poissa pahoista harrastuksista. Yhteiskunnan monimutkaistuessa tällaiset yksinkertaistetut väittämät eivät enää pidä paikkaansa. Vaikka yleisesti ja laajasti ottaen edelleenkin urheilua ja liikuntaa harrastavat nuoret varmasti saavat urheiluseuroissa erinomaista kasvatusta, on myös tunnustettava, että liikunnan ja urheilun kasvatustyössä kaikki ei ole ollut aivan kohdallaan. Liikunta- ja urheiluharrastuksesta huolimatta monen nuoren päihteiden käyttö saattaa olla ongelma. Erityisesti tämä pätee nuuskaamiseen, jota eräiden selvitysten mukaan harrastetaan enemmän urheilevan kuin tavallisen nuorison keskuudessa. Joissakin tapauksissa urheiluharrastus voi jopa liittyä huumemyönteiseen alakulttuuriin.

Ohittaa ei myöskään sovi sitä yllättävää havaintoa, että niin Imatran kohutussa koulutytön surmassa, Heinon pariskunnan murhassa kuin Myyrmannin räjäytyksessäkin syyllisiksi todetuilla on ollut aktiivista urheilutaustaa. Yhteiskunta on monimutkaistuessaan pirstaloitunut ja vieraannuttanut jäseniään sillä tavalla, että automaattiset yhteydet niin sanottujen hyvien harrastusten ja muutoin sosiaalisesti hyväksyttävän käyttäytymisen välillä eivät välttämättä enää toimi.

Edellä olevasta ei tietenkään pidä tehdä sitä johtopäätöstä, että urheilu ja liikunta olisivat jotenkin huonoja harrastuksia. Totta kai urheilun ja liikunnan positiiviset vaikutukset lasten ja nuorten kasvulle ja kehittymiselle pätevät pääsääntöisesti edelleen. Erityisen tärkeää on mielestäni se, että kun yhteiskunnassa muutoin on enää hyvin vähän fyysistä ponnistelua, tarjoaa liikunta erinomaisen tavan tutustuttaa lapsia ja nuoria omaan kehoonsa ja sen mahdollisuuksiin. Mutta edellä mainituista ongelmista voi päätellä, että on aika jälleen syventää ja laajentaa urheilun kasvatustyötä. Tarvitsemme mielestäni jälleen voimakkaampaa kasvatuksellista otetta ja suurempaa vastuunottoa liikuntatoiminnassa.

TUL:n vanha periaate sanoo: emme kasvata ruumista emmekä sielua vaan ihmistä. Mielestäni tämä periaate on nyt aika ottaa täysimääräisesti taas käyttöön liikuntakasvatustyössä. Meidän on rohkeasti uskallettava asettaa korkeita kasvatustavoitteita liikuntakasvatustyön piirissä. Meidän on rohjettava tavoitella sellaista yhteiskuntaa ja sellaisia ihmisiä, jotka kykenevät keskinäisen yhteisvastuun ja solidaarisuuden hengessä toimimaan vastuullisina yhteiskunnan jäseninä ja saamaan siihen toimintaan hyvää oppia liikuntatoiminnan kautta. Erityisen suuret mahdollisuudet tällaiseen kasvatustyöhön on juuri KTP:n kaltaisilla suuria joukkuelajeja harrastavilla seuroilla. Joukkuelajien nuorisotoiminnassa ryhmän tärkeimpänä tavoitteena tuleekin olla yhteistoiminnallisten pelisääntöjen rakentaminen eikä niinkään urheilumenestyksen saavuttaminen. Sekin tulee kyllä aikanaan, jos yhteisiin tavoitteisiin muuten on sitouduttu.

Varsin tiukalla otteella on syytä suhtautua päihteiden käyttöön urheilu- ja liikuntatoiminnan yhteydessä. Tässäkin asiassa on syytä palata jonkin verran urheiluliikkeen alkuvaiheen juurille ja korostaa, jos nyt ei aivan puhtaan raittiuden ihannetta , niin ainakin hyvin lähellä sitä olevia ihanteita lasten ja nuorten urheilutoiminnan yhteydessä. Jos urheilujärjestelmä ryhtyy hyysäämään ja suojelemaan esimerkiksi niitä huipulla olevia urheilijoita, joilla on selkeitä päihdeongelmia, ollaan väärällä tiellä. Urheilujärjestelmällä täytyy olla kanttia puuttua näihinkin asioihin ajoissa. Jo juniorijoukkueista alkaen on puututtava päihteiden käyttöön, vaikka sitä harjoittaisikin joukkueen paras, jopa ratkaisevin pelaaja. Muutoin järjestelmä ei ole uskottava. Sama pätee valmentajien, joukkueen johtajien ja muun urheiluväen käyttäytymiseen. Oman esimerkin voima on edelleen toimiva, ja uskottavia kasvatusrakenteita voidaan synnyttää juuri esimerkkien kautta. Jos nuoresta pitäen totutaan siihen, että päihteiden kanssa juhliminen kuuluu urheilutoiminnan ja urheilusaavutusten yhteyteen, ollaan pahasti pielessä.

Selvää on myös, ettei pyrkimys pitää urheilijat erossa päihteistä saa uskottavuutta, jos urheilijoita samanaikaisesti käytetään tupakka- ja alkoholimainonnan välikappaleina, tai silloin kun katsomoiden annetaan muodostua olutjuottoloiksi. Tupakka- ja viinatehtaat sopivat harvinaisen huonosti urheilun ja liikunnan sponsoroijiksi.

Liikunnan toinen suuri tehtävä, terveyden edistäminen, on myös saamassa aivan uutta sisältöä ja korostusta 2000-luvun Suomessa. Suomalainen työelämä on kehittynyt sellaisella vauhdilla, että siinä yksittäisen ihmisen turvattomuuden tunne on väistämättä lisääntynyt. Samalla on lisääntynyt riski ylikuormittumiseen ja terveyden menettämiseen. Työterveyslaitoksen tutkimuksissa 1990-luvulla osoittautui varsin selkeästi, että työkyvyn ylläpitämisen kannalta voidaan erottaa kolme aivan välttämätöntä osatekijää: liikunta, ergonomia eli työolosuhteet ja esimiestyö. Jotta ihmisen työkykyä voidaan parantaa, tulisi näillä kaikilla kolmella osa-alueella asioiden olla kunnossa. Hienoimmatkaan työolosuhteet ja paraskaan esimiestyö eivät kovin paljon asioita korjaa, jos työntekijät voivat fyysisesti ja sitä kautta usein myös henkisesti huonosti.

Liikunnalla ja urheilulla on suuria mahdollisuuksia kansanterveystyössä. Monet sairaudet, kuten sydän- ja verisuonitaudit, luukato, diabetes, mielenterveysongelmat ja niin edelleen vähenisivät selkeästi, jos aktiivisen liikunnan harrastuksen määrä lisääntyisi. Mielestäni meidän on löydettävä julkisen vallan ja liikuntajärjestöjen yhteisvoimin sellaisia toimenpideohjelmia, joilla todellista aikuisväestön liikuntaharrastuksen kasvua voidaan saada aikaan. Naisten liikuntaharrastus on Suomessa selvästi viime vuosikymmeninä lisääntynyt ja naisten terveys muutoinkin parantunut suuremmassa määrin kuin miesten terveys Miehet ovat tässäkin suhteessa jäämässä erityiseksi huolenaiheeksi. Selvitysten mukaan juuri keski-ikäiset miehet ovat liikuntaharrastuksen suhteen riskiryhmä. Urheiluseurojen toiminta tavoittaa naisvoimistelun ja muiden vastaavien toimintamuotojen kautta merkittävän osan naisväestöstä, mutta kunto- ja terveysliikuntatyyppistä liikuntaa miehille järjestäviä seuroja on vielä kovin vähän, ellei tällaiseksi liikunnaksi lasketa sitten palloilun alasarjatoimintaa. Mielestäni tässä asiassa olisi juuri KTP:n kaltaisille palloiluseuroille suuri tulevaisuuden haaste: keski-ikäiset miehet liikkumaan ja sitä kautta paremmin voivia ihmisiä työpaikoille, koteihin ja muualla yhteiskuntaan.

Liikunnan kolmas yhteiskunnallinen suuri tehtävä on huippu-urheiluviihteen tuottaminen. Monet ihmiset vastustavat huippu-urheilua ja sanovat sen kaupallistuneen ja menneen dopingin myötä väärille raiteille. Näin varmasti osin onkin, mutta liikuntakulttuuria ilman sen terävintä kärkeä eli huippu-urheilua ei voida kuitenkaan oikein ymmärtää eikä liikunnan kaikkia positiivisia vaikutuksiakaan hyödyntää, ellei meillä ole huippu-urheilun kaltaista näkyvää toimintaa.

Huippu-urheilukin on tärkeä osa yhteiskuntaa ja kansainvälistä yhteistyötä ja siksi sitä on myös tulevaisuudessa harjoitettava ja kehitettävä vastuullisesti. Tärkeää on, että huippu- urheilutoiminta pysyy liikuntajärjestöjen käsissä sekä kansallisesti että kansainvälisesti ja että sitä ei missään vaiheessa anneta kokonaan markkinavoimien vietäväksi ja johdettavaksi.

Huippu-urheilussa kaikkein tärkeintä on se, että korkeatasoiset eettiset periaatteet voidaan pitää toiminnan ohjenuorina myö jatkossa ja että esimerkiksi dopingin vastaista taistelua jatketaan tinkimättä. Viimeaikaisia esimerkkejä , joissa maailmanennätysmiehiä ja muita maailman ylimmän tason huippu-urheilijoita on jäänyt dopingtesteissä kiinni, voi tulkita kahdella tavalla. Ne kertovat siitä, miten laajalle levinnyttä dopingin käyttö on, mutta yhtä hyvin siitä, että dopingvalvonta alkaa todella tehota. Tämä on kuitenkin toimiala, jossa ei voida hetkeksikään jäädä lepäämään laakereilleen, vaan dopingin vastaista taistelua on koko ajan jatkettava.

Suomalaisessa ympäristössä pitäisin tärkeänä sitä, että maahamme syntyisi kansanliikettä ja katsomokulttuuria joukkuelajien ympärille ilman, että katsomoita tarvitsee verhota oluthöyryllä. Kotka on erinomainen esimerkki paikkakunnasta, jossa KTP:n kaltaisella useassa lajissa huippu-urheiluviihdettä tarjoavalla seuralla on laaja merkitys paikkakunnan elämysten tuotannossa. KTP on toteuttanut tätä tehtäväänsä vastuullisesti ja erinomaisella tavalla ja se kelpaa esimerkiksi myös muille paikkakunnille. Kotkassa on katsomokulttuuria ja Kotkassa KTP:n otteluihin tuleminen on osa kotkalaista elämäntapaa. Jos meillä olisi tällaisia tilanteita useilla paikkakunnilla Suomessa, olen vakuuttunut siitä, että perinteisillä palloilulajeilla kuten jalkapallolla ja koripallolla menisi koko maassa huomattavasti paremmin. Paikallisen viihdearvon merkitystä ei voi vähätellä.

Edellä olevan perusteella voidaan siis nähdä, että urheiluseuratoiminnalla on edessään mittavia tulevaisuuden haasteita. Samalla voidaan myös todeta, että toimivat ja laaja- alaiset urheiluseurat ovat myös koko yhteiskunnan kannalta entistä tärkeämpiä toimijoita. Siksi yhteiskunnan onkin omalta osaltaan huolehdittava siitä, että seurojen toimintaedellytykset olisivat mahdollisimman hyvät. Se tarkoittaa myös jatkossa Suomessa liikuntapaikkojen rakentamista ja ylläpitämistä ensisijaisesti julkisen vallan toimesta sekä järjestöjen avustamista ja tukemista sellaisilla tavoilla, että ne voivat selviytyä edellä kuvaamistani yhteiskunnallisista haasteista. Oma lukunsa on myös se, että koko kansalaistoiminnan edellytyksiä tulee suomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa kehittää niin, että turhilta byrokraattisilta velvoitteilta vältytään ja että vapaaehtoistoimijat voivat vapautua toteuttamaan itse toimintaa. Tässä suhteessa meillä on varmasti tekemistä myös lainsäädännön puolella.

Kuten jo edellä olen useassa yhteydessä todennut, KTP:n toiminta on monella tavalla esimerkillistä. Siihen sisältyy laajaa nuorisotoimintaa, monipuolista aikuisten toimintaa ja korkeatasoisen urheiluviihteen tuottamista kotkalaisille. Tämä työ on ollut pitkäaikaista ja katkeamatonta ja sille on syntynyt vahva kulttuurinen tausta kotkalaiseen toimintaympäristöön. Tulevaisuudessa uskon, että KTP laajentaa toimintojaan entistä enemmän myös terveysliikunnan alueelle. Haluan tässä yhteydessä kiittää Kotkan Työväen Palloilijoita mittavasta ja esimerkillisestä 75-vuotisesta toiminnasta suomalaisen urheilun, palloilun, työväenliikkeen ja koko kotkalaisen elämänmuodon hyväksi. Toivotan tälle työllenne mitä parhainta menestystä myös tulevaisuudessa.

Euroopan neuvoston ministerikokous, Strasbourg, Ranska, 6-7.11.2002

Mr Chairman,

The changes taking place in Europe provide the Council of Europe with a meaningful context in which to debate its role. Change gives us an occasion to see where our strength lies and what really is the added value of the Council of Europe today. What can we do better than others on this continent?

To my mind, the answers to these questions lie with human rights and the promotion of democracy. Although the activities of the Council of Europe today cover a wide array of important fields, one thing is singularly clear. The human rights standards and mechanisms of this organisation are unique. There is in this respect no true equivalent anywhere to Council of Europe achievements. Therefore, let us build our vision of the Council of Europe on the added value this organisation has brought and will undoubtedly continue to bring to democracy, the rule of law and human rights in Europe.

The initiative of a possible Third Summit has been linked to the development of Europe and the role of the Council of Europe in the new situation. To make sure a Summit meets our expectations, careful preparation of the agenda is needed. Europe based on human rights and democracy can only be realised by not letting new dividing lines emerge. In this respect, the Council of Europe has a lot to offer. Finland believes that through careful planning and through allowing adequate time for the preparations, a Third Summit of the Council of Europe could contribute to a more unified and democratic Europe.

Mr Chairman,

In my opinion the process of reform in the European Court of Human Rights is perhaps the most important theme of the 111th meeting of the Committee of Ministers.

It is also worth noting that only four years have passed since the Strasbourg control mechanism was restructured through the entry into force of the 11th Protocol. However, despite careful preparation, that profound reform has now proved to be inadequate. This reminds us that the protection of human rights is a process that requires continuous adaptation, not only of our own national legislations and practices, but also of the institutional framework.

The importance of the adaptation at hand is underlined by the fact that the European Convention of Human Rights, which was signed 52 years ago, has been a milestone achievement in the protection of human rights in Europe. The Convention, and the control mechanism which has been built around it, has over time become the most visible achievement of the Council of Europe, in Europe and worldwide. It is something that we, as members of the organisation, can truly be proud of. Indeed, if one had to name one distinctive feature of our control mechanism in comparison with similar mechanisms elsewhere, it is the effective right of individual application. This unique right must be safeguarded. Without it, the whole mechanism would lose its credibility in the minds of all those Europeans who have learned or are learning to respect the Court as the highest guardian of their human rights and fundamental freedoms.

The importance of the mechanism will increase if and when the European Union accedes to the Convention. We strongly support this initiative, which would enhance the protection of the rights of the individual in the EU area.

It must also be acknowledged that both Europe and the Council of Europe have undergone significant changes, especially in the past decade. One result of this development has been the continuing increase in the number of individual applications lodged with the Court. On the one hand, this is a success story, but on the other hand it is clear that in the future the Court will no longer be able to function effectively unless some amendments based on fresh ideas are accomplished. It may be noted here that the Court has almost doubled its output in a short period of time, but even this is not enough as the number of new applications constantly exceeds the number of decisions issued, with the result that the backlog of cases continues to grow.

A number of changes are needed. We need to seek ways to accelerate and simplify the filtering and other processing of applications. Special efforts should also be made to prevent so-called repetitive cases, which already constitute about 70 % of all the cases in which violations are found by the Court. But we must also look at possible further measures at national level to better adjust and streamline our own legislation and administrative practices with the requirements of the Convention. It is important that our national authorities closely follow the wording and spirit of the Convention and that States fully implement the judgments of the Court in conformity with the legal nature of the Convention procedure.

Since the 109th meeting of the Committee of Ministers, our national experts have made remarkable efforts in studying all aspects of the reforms required. The interim report before us provides us with a useful basis for our deliberations and at the same time gives further guidance to our experts so that they will be able to present their final conclusions well in time before the 112th session under the chairmanship of Malta. The Declaration which is to be adopted today should not restrict the innovative work of the experts but should rather constitute a solid political basis for their future work. We look forward to receiving their final report.

We have arrived at a certain turning point and now we must take stock of the progress achieved. We want to signal our determination to safeguard the achievements of the mechanism based on the right of individual application. At the same time, we have to look at all available options for reform with an open mind.

Mr Chairman,

Action in the fight against terrorism must be conducted with full respect for human rights and the rule of law. This basic precept is equally relevant in all international forums and in all parts of the world. I am delighted to see that the work of the Council of Europe and its multidisciplinary group on terrorism has progressed well. As for amending the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism, Finland recognizes that the compromise reached was the best possible outcome. To us, it is clear that terrorist crimes can not be justified by any political considerations.

Mr Chairman,

Finally, let me share with you some thoughts on the topical issue of the Roma and the Finnish initiative related to a ”European Roma Forum”. The situation of the Roma in Europe has become an increasingly topical issue over the past few years. In response to the widespread discrimination against the Roma, several governments have established advisory committees or similar bodies to engage Roma in national decision-making processes. National and local programmes for improvement of the legal, social and cultural position of the Roma have also been launched. Similar efforts have been undertaken by international institutions. The Council of Europe, too, has considerably stepped up its Roma-related activities in recent years. I believe that our organisation could and – indeed – should continue to play an important role in this field.

There are Roma living in practically all member states of the Council of Europe. In this respect, their situation is unique. According to some estimates their number amounts to some 8-10 million people in Europe. The circumstances in which Roma live and the problems that they face differ in gravity and extent from one country to another but the overall picture is by and large the same: Discrimination against the Roma in various fields of life constitutes a serious social problem. The negative consequences of this phenomenon, including social exclusion and migration, leave no European country untouched.

The forthcoming enlargement will roughly double the number of Roma inside the European Union. Economic transition may further aggravate the situation of this population and amplify their existing problems. The social distress that Roma face is therefore a problem that has to be dealt with as a matter of urgency. Problems should be addressed where they occur – migration is not the right solution.

There is no doubt that improvement in the position of the Roma is a challenge that can be overcome only through co-operation among European countries. Pan-European problems require pan-European solutions. In our view, a European forum for the Roma, functioning under the auspices of the Council of Europe, would provide an excellent consultative platform where effective solutions could be developed in co-operation with representatives of the Roma. The best solutions can be found by engaging the Roma in a constructive exercise, not by excluding them from processes that have direct effects on their lives.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.